As a young writer in a period of growing class tensions, Marx studied the historical and current relationship between classes and wrote several works, including "The German Ideology" ( 1845-46) and "Manifesto of the Communist Party" (1848). In his study of the history of society, Marx elucidates a trend in society toward increased production of commodities but decreased standards of living, culminating in an inevitable revolution of the proletariat. This revolution, according to Marx, would result in a system of communism in all industrial nations. However, in the same writings of that period, Marx's tones encourage the proletariat to join his Communist Party, and in the "Manifesto" he openly calls on workers of all nations to unite (Communist Manifesto p. 500). Since Marx in his historical analysis starts from the assumption that communism is the inevitable culmination of class struggles and that men in sufficiently desperate conditions will eventually unite to overthrow the entire political and social system, because Marx sees the need to recruit actively new members for? his party? The answer can be found in understanding that Marx's two lines of logic, on the economic and political trends of history, complement each other; Marx's political activism is action taken within the framework of his theory. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay In Marx's early works, he follows two lines of logic: the analysis of capitalism and history, concluding that society is headed towards communism; and the analysis of politics and history, to clarify the agency through which classes act. To understand Marx's claim that communism will be the inevitable "end point" towards which society is hurtling, one must first understand his theory of history and how capitalism fits into this model. Unlike his predecessors, who theorized that changes in society were based on conquest, Marx's model sees the underlying theme of history as change in the mode of production, which is determined by the role of labor. The mode of production is characterized by the extent of the division of labor. “The existing stage in the division of labor also determines the mutual relations of individuals with regard to the material, instrument and product of labor,” says Marx (The German Ideology, p. 151). Therefore, as the mode of production improves, the division of labor will also be more defined. The extent of the division of labor determines class structure and class relations. However, as the mode of production will advance, it will surpass the social structure, leading to changes in the social structure (Communist Manifesto p. 475). Marx begins his historical analysis with the first agrarian societies, in which production was underdeveloped. and people lived by hunting, fishing, or farming entirely for use value and not for exchange value. The corresponding social structure was that of an extended family, with chief, tribesmen and nominally slaves (The German Ideology p. 151). This agricultural society defines the role of labor in a similar way to the communism imagined by Marx, but it could not last, according to Marx, because its production could increase, changing the social and political structure of society. Subsequently, the growing division of labor transformed agrarian society into “ancient communal and state property,” with a citizen/slave class relationship in which slave labor became the basis of production. In the countryside, however, feudal or land ownership was established, due to the decrease in population, andtherefore the decrease in available manpower. In the feudal system, the difference in the mode of production led to a working class of serfs (rather than slaves), thus maintaining a different but still antagonistic relationship between serfs and the nobility (The German Ideology p. 152-153). Thus, from these empirical data, Marx concludes that, although the mode of production modifies the class structure, there has always been class struggle, both between slaves and masters, and between serfs and masters. bourgeois of the first cities. From these bourgeois developed the first elements of the bourgeoisie" (Manifesto of the Communist Party p. 474). As expected, the transition to bourgeois society did not eliminate class struggle. Rather, the tension between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat has increased, because the production system is organized in such a way that competition between workers makes the living conditions of the proletariat increasingly worse, such that to improve its situation it is necessary to overturn the current system. . "The proletarians, if they want to assert themselves as individuals, will have to abolish the very condition of their existence up to now, that is, work [...] To affirm themselves as individuals, they must overthrow the State" (The German Ideology, p. 200) . Therefore, by logic, Marx reasons that since conditions will only get worse, eventually the proletariat will have to unite and establish a new social system: communism. Marx's logical line follows the trends of history and extrapolates what will happen in the future, following his underlying theme of class struggles in every type of society. However, his analysis of historical trends lacks an explanation of the mechanism by which societies evolve; it simply assumes that they happen. In his description of the expected communist revolution, he describes how at first the proletariat cannot succeed because it is disorganized, but will increase in numbers and organize itself, eventually leading to the "violent and glaring character of the revolt" (Manifesto of the Communist Revolution). Communist Party page 480-481). But how will the proletariat organize itself and how will it rebel? Marx does not explain the mechanism through which the transition from bourgeois society to communism will occur in his socioeconomic theory. Marx's beliefs about how the transition should occur can be found in his analysis of political trends throughout history. In his study of past transitions, particularly that from feudalism to bourgeoisism, he observes that change in the type of work available, and therefore in the mode of production, is the basis of social class. Then, the social class that holds power groups together to seize political power: "Every step in the development of the bourgeoisie has been accompanied by a corresponding political advancement of that class" (Communist Manifesto p. 475). With the communists, Marx postulates that the same order must follow, that is, that there is first the organization of the proletariat into a social class, and then into a political class, although the transition into a unified political party is not necessarily smooth. "This organization of the proletariat into a class, and therefore into a political party, is continually upset by the competition between the workers themselves" (Manifesto of the Communist Party p. 481). With political power, the ruling class is then able to pass laws to strengthen its class, and thus the class division between the ruling class and the workers. Therefore, while it is the change in the role of labor and the mode of production that are the driving forces behind the change in social structures, it is the political class that legitimizes and maintains that class structure. Given the importance of political power, it naturally follows that Marx should found his Communist Party as a political group fighting for.